Message of the Day: War, Human Rights
(Updated Oct.19) Turkey Attacks U.S. Ally in Syria, The New York Times, Oct. 9, 2019
Updated (2):
As we are about to post a new Issue of the Week and Message of the Day (which we have left up together for the same period for some time now as a policy in order to increase staying focused on critical issues as explained at length some ago), we leave this issue with a new opinion piece in The New York Times (posted online today, October 19, in print tomorrow in The Sunday Review) by Opinion Columnist Nicholas Kristof which summarizes what has happened on this issue historically through today. The piece follows:
Trump Takes Incoherence and Inhumanity and Calls It Foreign Policy
By Nicholas Kristof, October 19, 2019, The New York Times
He was right when he said, “Foreign policy is what I’ll be remembered for.”
It was just five years ago that an American president, faced with a crisis on Syria’s border, acted decisively and honorably.
Barack Obama responded with airstrikes and a rescue operation in 2014 when the Islamic State started a genocide against members of the Yazidi sect, slaughtering men and forcing women and girls into sexual slavery. Obama’s action, along with a heroic intervention by Kurdish fighters, saved tens of thousands of Yazidi lives.
“While America has never been able to right every wrong, America has made the world a more secure and prosperous place,” Obama declared at the time. “And our leadership is necessary to underwrite the global security and prosperity that our children and our grandchildren will depend upon.”
Contrast Obama’s move, successfully working with allies to avert a genocide, with President Trump’s betrayal this month of those same Kurdish partners in a way that handed a victory to the Islamic State, Turkey, Syria, Iran — and, of course, Russia, because almost everything Trump does seems to end up benefiting Moscow.
“Who can trust Trump’s America?” The Economist magazine asks on its newest cover. Senator Mitt Romney, Republican of Utah, added: “What we have done to the Kurds will stand as a bloodstain in the annals of American history.”
Updated:
Today, Sunday October 13, The Observer in London has issued a scathing and penetrating analysis in the editorial below on the current events in Syria.
It is followed by an extensive and essential update in tomorrow’s New York Times, posted tonight.
As we wrote on August 9:
Tomorrow’s headline story in The New York Times, posted online tonight, is Turkey Attacks U.S. Ally in Syria.
The story began on Sunday.
A stunning instantaneous shift in policy by Donald Trump appears to have allowed this, by reversing his own recently stated policy during a phone call with a virtual dictator, apparently without any input from the U.S. officials and advisors with knowledge of the meaning and consequences of such actions who are charged to give this input and carry out these duties, much less with allies in the region and globally.
Indeed the shifts back and forth within moments in expression by Trump, and the forms of expression around these shifts–have been so inexplicable in content, timing, delivery, strategy and motive (even with his history in this regard) and the stakes so monumental, that even Republicans in Congress are revolting en masse, joining alarmed Democrats, at least at the moment.
In terms of the people of Syria, a people largely murdered and displaced in the wake of betrayal after betrayal, and of the other nations in the region, and of the disaster it has increasingly become, and the risks to the world at large–it is the latest psychotic break in an intertangled inferno, which we have visited often, last on August 28.
The post refered to above has at it’s core another Observer editorial, and an extraordinary article in the same edition.
Here’s The Observer again today, and the continuation of the excellent coverage of events by The New York Times:
“The Observer view on Syria: a new horror foretold which shames us all”
Editorial, The Observer, London, October 13, 2019
Turkey’s invasion of north-east Syria, faciliated by the withdrawal of US forces, could lead to a resurgence of Islamic State
The conflict engulfing north-east Syria is a wholly avoidable disaster. It was widely foreseen. It could, and should, have been prevented. Responsibility lies principally with Turkey’s bellicose president, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. But many others share the blame, including a criminally incompetent Donald Trump, Islamic State jihadists, who previously destabilised the area, and the international community, which has failed, over the course of eight bloody years, to halt Syria’s civil war.
The terrifyingly indiscriminate Turkish artillery barrages and air strikes directed at towns and villages in Kurdish-held areas along the border shame those who ordered them. Erdoğan’s claim that his forces are only targeting terrorists is given the lie by the rising toll of civilian deaths and injuries. Aid agencies have evacuated. Hospitals have closed. The UN says about 100,000 people have fled so far. With Turkey rejecting calls to halt the offensive, it could all get much worse.
This is a calamity foretold. Turkey has longstanding, legitimate border security concerns. It believes the Kurdish militia that controls north-east Syria is in league with its old foe, the Turkey-based Kurdistan Workers’ party (PKK), which the US and the EU, like Ankara, regard as terrorists. Erdoğan had been threatening military action east of the Euphrates for months. Only the presence of US troops stopped him.
US officials say an agreement with the Turks was in place, providing for joint border security patrols. But this was not enough for Erdoğan. His impatience arose not from the immediacy of the terrorist threat, which he often exaggerates, but stemmed, at least in part, from his need for a political “win” after recent election setbacks and from rising rightwing nationalist pressure to repatriate Syrian refugees to a Turkish-controlled “safe zone”.
It is at this point that Erdoğan’s agenda converged with Trump’s visceral aversion to “endless” foreign wars and the impeachment furore in Washington. When Erdoğan phonedlast Sunday evening, demanding that the US lift its veto on intervention, Trump saw a chance to both bring the troops home and distract attention from his Ukraine shenanigans.
Official assertions that Trump did not give Erdoğan a green light are pure eyewash. The White House statement issued after the phone conversation makes clear this is exactly what happened. And yet, on one level, this outcome is unsurprising. Erdoğan and Trump are two of a kind: unscrupulous, instinctively authoritarian leaders ever ready to bend the truth. Neither can be trusted.
These two men have something else in common. They do not understand, nor do they sufficiently care about, the consequences of their actions. Trump seems to have been genuinely taken aback by the storm of criticism, including from Republicans, which greeted his decision to pull back US troops. He was rightly lambasted for betraying America’s Kurdish allies and helping Russia, Iran and Bashar al-Assad’s Syrian regime. Fears were raised that Isis jihadists held under Kurdish guard might escape.
The fate of detained Isis fighters, totalling about 10,000 across northern Syria and Iraq, is an issue to which Erdoğan, too, has plainly not given enough thought. He says Turkey will ensure they do not abscond. But his unimpressive ground forces, still thrashing about on the border, cannot be counted on to fulfil such pledges. Already there are reports of an Isis prison break in a town under Turkish bombardment and two Isis suicide bombings.
Trump repeatedly, untruthfully, boasts that Isis was defeated on his watch. The “caliphate” is destroyed, but the jihadists still pose a threat, as a new International Crisis Group study shows. There are persistent reports that the organisation is regrouping. Trump and Erdoğan have potentially assisted this process. Who could blame Kurdish fighters, with their homes under attack, if they abandoned the detention camps and went to resist the invader?
The international community is at fault, too, for failing to establish a process for bringing Isis terrorists to justice. Leaving them, their families and supporters stuck indefinitely in desert camps was never going to work. Western countries, including Britain, have mostly dodged their responsibilities in this regard, concerned that jihadists who hold British or European citizenship could be freed by domestic courts for lack of admissible evidence. To address this problem, they should consider the creation, under UN auspices, of an international criminal tribunal for counter-terrorism.
Sadly, as the entire history of the Syrian war suggests, the chances of such international collaboration actually happening are all but non-existent. The UN security council, debating Turkey’s action, could not even agree a joint statement, due in part to the usual Russian obstructionism. The EU will discuss it at this week’s summit. Expect little more than stern words. Nato is just looking on. Meanwhile, Trump blusters about sanctions, as if it all had nothing to do with him.
Pity the people of northern Syria, bombed and blasted from their homes by a ruthless autocrat who should, if there were any justice, face a war crimes tribunal. It seems there is no helping them. What an outrage. No wonder the world is in such a mess.
“Abandoned by U.S. in Syria, Kurds Find New Ally in American Foe”
By Ben Hubbard, Charlie Savage, Eric Schmitt and Patrick Kingsley, Oct. 14, 2019
Under fire by Turkish forces, the militia that battled ISIS threw in its lot with Syria’s Russian-backed government.
DOHUK, Iraq — Kurdish forces long allied with the United States in Syria announced a new deal on Sunday with the government in Damascus, a sworn enemy of Washington that is backed by Russia, as Turkish troops moved deeper into their territory and President Trump ordered the withdrawal of the American military from northern Syria.
The sudden shift marked a major turning point in Syria’s long war.
For five years, United States policy relied on collaborating with the Kurdish-led forces both to fight the Islamic State and to limit the influence of Iran and Russia, which support the Syrian government, with a goal of maintaining some leverage over any future settlement of the conflict.
On Sunday, after Mr. Trump abruptly abandoned that approach, American leverage appeared all but gone. That threatened to give President Bashar al-Assad and his Iranian and Russian backers a free hand. It also jeopardized hard-won gains against the Islamic State — and potentially opened the door for its return.
The Kurds’ deal with Damascus paved the way for government forces to return to the country’s northeast for the first time in years to try to repel a Turkish invasion launched after the Trump administration pulled American troops out of the way. The pullout has already unleashed chaos and bloodletting.
The announcement of the deal Sunday evening capped a day of whipsaw developments marked by rapid advances by Turkish-backed forces and the escape of hundreds of women and children linked to the Islamic State from a detention camp. As American troops were redeployed, two American officials said the United States had failed to transfer five dozen “high value” Islamic State detainees out of the country.
. . .
(Initial Post, October 9, 2019.)
Tommorrow’s headline story in The New York Times, posted online tonight, is Turkey Attacks U.S. Ally in Syria.
The story began on Sunday.
A stunning instantaneous shift in policy by Donald Trump appears to have allowed this, by reversing his own recently stated policy during a phone call with a virtual dictator, apparently without any input from the U.S. officials and advisors with knowledge of the meaning and consequences of such actions who are charged to give this input and carry out these duties, much less with allies in the region and globally.
Indeed the shifts back and forth within moments in expression by Trump, and the forms of expression around these shifts–have been so inexplicable in content, timing, delivery, strategy and motive (even with his history in this regard) and the stakes so monumental, that even Republicans in Congress are revolting en masse, joining alarmed Democrats, at least at the moment.
In terms of the people of Syria, a people largely murdered and displaced in the wake of betrayal after betrayal, and of the other nations in the region, and of the disaster it has increasingly become, and the risks to the world at large–it is the latest psychotic break in an intertangled inferno, which we have visited often, last on August 28.
We let the article and it’s forerunner on Sunday speak for themselves.
“Turkey Launches Offensive Against U.S.-Backed Syrian Militia”
By Ben Hubbard and Carlotta Gall, Oct. 9, 2019, The New York Times
BEIRUT, Lebanon — Turkey launched a ground and air assault on Wednesday against a Syrian militia that has been a crucial American ally in the fight against ISIS, days after President Trump agreed to let the operation proceed.
As Turkish warplanes bombed Syrian towns and troops crossed the border, the chaos in Washington continued, with President Trump issuing seemingly contradictory policy statements in the face of strident opposition from his Republican allies in Congress.
Mr. Trump acquiesced to the Turkish operation in a call with Turkey’s president on Sunday, agreeing to move American troops out of Turkey’s way despite opposition from his own State Department and military.
On Wednesday, hours after the operation began, he condemned it, calling it “a bad idea.”
By that time, Turkish fighter jets were streaking through the sky over Syrian towns, while artillery shells boomed overhead. Traffic was jammed with terrified civilians fleeing south in trucks piled high with possessions and children.
After about six hours of airstrikes, Turkish troops and their Syrian rebel allies crossed the border, opening a ground offensive.
At least seven people were killed in the Turkish attacks on Wednesday, according to the Rojava Information Center, an activist group in northeastern Syria. The Syrian Observatory for Human Rights, a conflict monitor based in Britain, put the toll at eight.
Where Turkish forces struck Kurdish-held areas
Sources: Times reporting; Control areas via Conflict Monitor by IHS Markit | By Sarah Almukhtar, Allison McCann and Anjali Singhvi
Turkey’s long-planned move to root out American-allied Kurdish forces in northeastern Syria could open a dangerous new front in Syria’s eight-year-old war, pitting two United States allies against each other and raising the specter of sectarian bloodletting. Even before it began, it had set off fierce debates in Washington, with members of Congress accusing Mr. Trump of betraying the militia that fought beside the United States to defeat ISIS.
There were also concerns that the militia, the Syrian Democratic Forces, would shift its forces to the north to fight Turkey, creating a power vacuum elsewhere that could benefit President Bashar al-Assad of Syria, his Russian and Iranian allies, or the Islamic State.
Senator Lindsey Graham of South Carolina, usually a staunch Trump ally, accused him of having “shamelessly abandoned” America’s Kurdish allies, a move that “ensures the re-emergence of ISIS.”
Mr. Trump has insisted that “in no way have we abandoned the Kurds,” and on Wednesday said he firmly opposed the operation.
“The United States does not endorse this attack and has made it clear to Turkey that this operation is a bad idea,” he said in a statement.
“Turkey,” he added, “has committed to protecting civilians, protecting religious minorities, including Christians, and ensuring no humanitarian crisis takes place — and we will hold them to this commitment.”
Secretary of State Mike Pompeo pushed back against the idea that Mr. Trump had given Turkey a green light.
American forces pulled back from the border after “it became very clear that there were American soldiers that were going to be at risk,” he said in an interview on “PBS News Hour.”
“The president,” Mr. Pompeo added, “made a decision to put them in a place where they were out of harm’s way.”
The United States withdrew 50 to 100 troops from the border area in advance of the operation, and American military officials said that the United States was not providing assistance to either side. However, the United States was providing intelligence to Turkey until Monday that may have helped it target Kurdish forces.
Turkey’s president, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, said the operation was intended to “prevent the creation of a terror corridor across our southern border.” Turkey considers the militia a terrorist organization linked to a Kurdish guerrilla movement.
Mr. Erdogan did not say how far into Syria Turkish forces would go, but he has previously called for a Turkish-controlled buffer zone 20 miles deep into Syria and extending for hundreds of miles along the border.
“Turkey has no ambition in northeastern Syria except to neutralize a longstanding threat against Turkish citizens and to liberate the local population from the yoke of armed thugs,” a government spokesman, Fahrettin Altun, wrote in an op-ed in The Washington Post.
The attacks on Wednesday were broad, with strikes hitting in or near at least five towns along a stretch of more than 150 miles of the Syrian-Turkish border.
The most intensive strikes were near Tel Abyad and Ras al Ain, two towns that United States forces withdrew from on Monday. But they also targeted the larger towns of Kobani and Qamishli, where one strike left a building in flames and a dead body on the sidewalk, according to a video shot by a local journalist.
“There is a state of fear and terror among the people here, and the women and children are leaving the town,” said Akrem Saleh, a local journalist reached by phone in Ras al Ain. Many men were staying home because they feared that the Syrian rebels who accompanied the Turks would loot their homes if they were found empty.
Just yards across the border from Tel Abyad, the sound of bombardment shook the town of Akcakale, Turkey. Schools were closed and children played in the streets, waving flags and cheering a convoy of armored personnel carriers heading to the border.
Loudspeakers blared Ottoman martial music interspersed with stern announcements urging people not to gather in large groups and to stay away from houses facing the border.
“All day they were announcing,” said Fehima Kirboga, 46, as she sat with a relative on the sidewalk in the cool of the evening. “We are very anxious but where can we go?”
The Syrian Democratic Forces warned of a “possible humanitarian catastrophe” because of the Turkish incursion. The Kurdish-led administration that governs the area issued a call for “general mobilization” to fight the Turks.
“We call upon our people, of all ethnic groups, to move toward areas close to the border with Turkey to carry out acts of resistance during this sensitive historical time,” it said.
Michael Maldonado, 31, a former Marine lance corporal from California who was among a handful of American volunteers fighting with the Kurds, said it did not matter to him that Turkey was a NATO ally.
“Ally or not, we are going to fight,” he said in a phone interview from his position less than 20 miles from the Turkish border in eastern Syria. “We see a strong country coming to massacre people who are just trying to live their lives, and we are going to try stop this. We feel we have no choice.”
The United States military, which had been working with the Syrian Democratic Forces to fight remnants of the Islamic State in Syria, has cut off all support to the militia, two American military officials said, speaking on condition of anonymity to discuss confidential military assessments.
The officials said the United States was not providing support to Turkey either, but for the last few weeks, as Turkish military officials planned the assault, they received American surveillance video and information from reconnaissance aircraft. The information may have helped them track Kurdish positions.
Because of an American counterterrorism partnership with Turkey, Turkish aircraft were given access to a suite of American battlefield intelligence in northeast Syria. Turkey was removed from the intelligence-sharing program only on Monday, a Defense Department official said.
One official said that United States warplanes and surveillance aircraft remained in the area to defend the remaining American ground forces in northeast Syria, but said they would not contest Turkish warplanes attacking Kurdish positions.
The commander of the Syrian Democratic Forces, Mazlum Kobani, told The New York Times on Tuesday that a fight with Turkey could pull his forces out of areas where the Islamic State remains a threat, opening a void that could be exploited by others in Syria’s multiring civil war.
American officials said Tuesday that the militia was already beginning to leave some of their counterterrorism missions against ISIS.
In addition to that concern, there are worries about the prisons and camps the militia oversees in northeastern Syria that hold tens of thousands of captured Islamic State fighters and their families.
Mr. Trump said Wednesday that Turkey should take control of the detainees.
“Turkey is now responsible for ensuring all ISIS fighters being held captive remain in prison and that ISIS does not reconstitute in any way, shape, or form,” he said in his statement.
But leaders of the Syrian Democratic Forces say there have been no discussions with the United States about handing over the facilities, and the Turkish forces are more than 70 miles away.
American officials said Wednesday that the military was moving to take up to several dozen detainees out of the Kurdish-run prisons. It was not clear what would be done with them but for now some were being taken to an American base in Iraq.
As Turkey made efforts to win diplomatic support for its operation — informing the United States, Russia, Britain, NATO and the secretary general of the United Nations — NATO’s secretary general, Jens Stoltenberg, urged Turkey “to act with restraint” and to ensure that “the gains we have made in the fight against ISIS are not jeopardized.”
Amélie de Montchalin, the French junior minister for European affairs, said that France, Germany and Britain were drafting a joint statement condemning the Turkish offensive.
A number of countries, including Russia and Iran, both allies of President Bashar al-Assad of Syria, called for talks.
The United Nations Security Council was to discuss the issue on Thursday. Mr. Stoltenberg said he planned to meet with Mr. Erdogan on Friday.
A military coalition led by the United States teamed up with a Kurdish militia beginning in 2015 to fight Islamic State extremists who had seized a territory that was the size of Britain and spanned the Syrian-Iraqi border. That militia grew into the Syrian Democratic Forces, which led the fight against the Islamic State in Syria and eventually took control of the areas it liberated.
Since then it has held the territory with the aid of about 1,000 American troops. Mr. Trump has repeatedly sought to withdraw them from Syria as part of his longstanding promise to extricate the United States from what he deems “endless wars.”
But he has faced fierce pushback from others in Washington, including from Republican lawmakers, who vocally opposed the Turkish operation on Wednesday.
The night before the operation, Senator Graham warned Turkey not to proceed.
“To the Turkish Government: You do NOT have a green light to enter into northern Syria,” he wrote. “There is massive bipartisan opposition in Congress, which you should see as a red line you should not cross.”
Ben Hubbard reported from Beirut, Lebanon, and Carlotta Gall from Akcakale, Turkey. Eric Schmitt, Thomas Gibbons-Neff and Lara Jakes contributed reporting from Washington, Dave Philipps from Colorado Springs, and Aurelien Breeden from Paris.
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