International Brigades veterans went on to serve as iron curtain prime ministers \u2013 or equivalent \u2013 in East Germany, Hungary and Albania. They provided dozens of ministers, generals, police chiefs and ambassadors across all Europe\u2019s communist regimes \u2013 forming a potent elite, although they were mostly working-class. In East Germany, former International Brigades volunteers founded and ran the notorious Stasi. Suppressing freedom was part of their job. Little surprise, then, that some countrymen now despise them.<\/div>\n
History is neither neat nor clean, especially when it comes to past wars. The first casualty of war is said to be truth, but really it is nuance. War presents stark, binary choices. Kill or be killed. One side or the other. The truth is more complex than that, as the story of the International Brigades and their afterlife shows.<\/p>\n
I<\/span><\/span>n early October 1936, a 21-year-old classics graduate from Cambridge, Bernard Knox, slipped an old pistol into his bag and passed through the border control at Dover on his way to Spain. The pistol belonged to a Cambridge professor of ancient Greek called Francis Cornford, who had last used it as an officer in the first world war. Cornford had given it to his son, John, a 20-year-old poet and friend of Knox\u2019s who was travelling with him. Knox carried the gun because Cornford\u2019s passport showed he had already been to Spain, and police were suspicious of visitors to a country where, in July, Franco and his generals had started a civil war. Britain was promoting non-intervention \u2013 a sop to Hitler and Mussolini, whose troops were blatantly fighting for Franco. It did not want British volunteers taking part.<\/p>\nIn the early days of the civil war, before returning to Britain to recruit volunteers, Cornford had joined one of the militias that emerged when, in response to the coup, a counter-revolution broke out inside the republic. Socialists, anarchists, communists and regionalists in Catalonia and elsewhere grabbed control of the streets. Militias abounded, with women also donning uniforms and carrying weapons. \u201cThe women are fine,\u201d wrote Felicia Browne, a British artist who joined a militia group. They were heady days, with the streets of Barcelona daubed in revolutionary slogans described by another volunteer fighter, George Orwell, in Homage to Catalonia as \u201cstartling and overwhelming\u201d.<\/p>\n\nMen and women in a Spanish militia in 1936. Photograph: Gamma-Keystone\/Getty Images<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n\n
While recruiting, Cornford had depicted the conflict as a dusty, lazy revolutionary war \u2013 much as people imagined the Mexican revolution that ended in 1920 \u2013 rather than the sophisticated scientific destruction it soon became. His group had no idea which unit they would join, but when they reached Spain, the International Brigades had just been formed. The Communist International, or Co mintern, the Moscow-based organisation advocating for world communism, did the arranging. The arrival of spontaneous volunteers such as these provided the impulse. Another recruit, Winston Churchill\u2019s rebel nephew Esmond Romilly, had cycled across France fuelled by coffee and cognac before volunteering and declaring himself a member of \u201cthat very large class of unskilled labourers with a public-school accent\u201d. He sailed on a boat from Marseille, with watch duty split in two-hour shifts between French, Germans, Poles, Italians, Yugoslavs, Belgians, Flemish and Russian-speakers.Poorly armed and virtually untrained, the first volunteers found themselves defending Madrid against Franco\u2019s experienced and ferocious colonial force, the Army of Africa, just a few weeks later. Cornford\u2019s group operated a machine gun in the philosophy faculty of the brand-new University City campus. They built barricades out of thick tomes on early-19th-century German philosophy and Indian metaphysics. Enemy bullets gave up before reaching page 350, making them believe old tales of soldiers saved by Bibles in breast pockets. \u201cI think I killed a fascist,\u201d Cornford, a former pacifist, wrote excitedly to his girlfriend, Margot Heinemann, on 8 December. \u201cFifteen or 16 of them were running from a bombardment \u2026 If it is true, it\u2019s a fluke.\u201d<\/p>\n
After Franco\u2019s colonial army was airlifted from north Africa to Seville by German planes in an operation that Hitler personally named Operation Magic Fire (inspired by a section of Wagner\u2019s opera Siegfried), it had swept easily towards Madrid. It was halted at the University City, and the International Brigades were hailed as heroes in Spain and elsewhere. Their discipline set an example to the chaotic republican army, even if some volunteers mistakenly thought idealism could replace training \u2013 and paid with their lives. The young and previously untried war photographers Robert Capa and Gerda Taro took their pictures, and they were lionised by Ernest Hemingway and the New York Times, among others. War correspondents of almost all nationalities blessed their luck at being able to find frontline sources among the brigaders who spoke their language.<\/p>\n
Fresh recruits arrived by their hundreds every week from as far away as China, Chile and Abyssinia, though most came from Europe or the Americas \u2013 and many were already political or economic exiles. At least one in 10 were Jews, rebelling against their position as fascism\u2019s chosen victims. The American historian and veteran Albert Prago called the International Brigades \u201cthe vehicle through which Jews could offer the first organised armed resistance to European fascism.\u201d In fact, almost all brigaders saw themselves fighting a global battle to stop fascism, in which Spain was just a part. With Hitler and Mussolini on the other side, that seemed obvious \u2013 if not to politicians in London, Paris or Washington.<\/p>\n
Many of those first recruits had died, or been badly wounded, by the end of 1936. Cornford was killed at Lopera, in A ndalusia, the day after he turned 21. Knox had already been badly injured, falling to the ground with a fountain of blood spurting from his shoulder, convinced he was dying. \u201cI was consumed with rage \u2013 furious, violent rage. Why me?\u201d he recalled later. \u201cI was just 21 and had barely begun living my life.\u201d Volunteer British and American battalions \u2013 each of about 700 men \u2013 were not formed until the following year, and first fought at Jarama, about 20 miles from Madrid, that February. About 700 women also enlisted, but the republic sent militiawomen away from the frontline, and most served as doctors, nurses, translators or administrators.<\/p>\n
The brigaders were shock troops who generally, but not always, fought courageously. Sometimes, they turned battles around. Other times they were routed. Those captured were mostly shot. Prisoners left alive were sent to a medieval monastery converted into a jail at San Pedro de Carde\u00f1a near Burgos and made to do fascist salutes. A German-trained military psychologist, Lt Col Antonio Vallejo-Najera, conducted tests designed to prove that Marxists (as he wrongly assumed they all were) were either psychopaths or congenitally dim. He satisfied himself that this really was the case, but \u2013 in an academic paper \u2013 expressed surprise that, even in jail, \u201cthe immense majority remain firmly attached to their ideas\u201d.<\/p>\n
It was not all heroics. A considerable number of International Brigade volunteers deserted. Some were shot by their own commanders for doing so. After capturing the town of Quinto, their senior officers ordered them to shoot all the enemy officers, sergeants and corporals. The victims were \u201ckids just like us\u201d, recalled the Canadian volunteer Peter Frye after being assigned to a firing squad. Women were often treated by the brigade\u2019s French commander (and senior Comintern official) Andr\u00e9 Marty or his security staff as suspected spies. In one case, Marion Merriman, the wife of a senior American officer, was raped by an unnamed Slav officer. She kept silent about it, in order to prevent the American Abraham Lincoln battalion rebelling in her defence. \u201cThis must be my secret burden. I cannot tell anyone \u2013 ever,\u201d she remembers telling herself in a memoir dedicated to her husband, Robert Hale Merriman, who was killed.<\/p>\n\nNurses from the British-based Spanish Medical Aid Committee. Photograph: Daily Herald Archive\/SSPL\/Getty Images<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n\n
By the time the last brigaders left Spain, 7,000 had died. They had lost their war. Franco declared victory on 1 April 1939 (he would rule as dictator until 1975). By then, most brigaders had returned home or were locked up by France with the rest of the fleeing republican army in vast camps as it dealt with one of Europe\u2019s biggest refugee crises since the first world war. Those not welcome in their own countries \u2013 Germans, Italians, Poles and others \u2013 or later deemed \u201cdangerous\u201d by Vichy authorities spent several years in the French camps. Others who did return home were watched closely by police in their own countries. Britain\u2019s MI5 held files on many, as did the Dutch police. Authorities painted them as dangerous, foolhardy or wrong. But that would not last.<\/div>\n
Hitler invaded Poland exactly five months after Franco declared victory. Suddenly, almost everyone agreed that fascism had to be fought with weapons.<\/p>\n
O<\/span><\/span>n 21 August 1941, French International Brigade veteran Pierre Georges and two colleagues met at the Barb\u00e8s-Rochechouart metro station in Paris. All three carried pistols. Pierre had joined the International Brigades aged 17, been wounded at 19, imprisoned in occupied France, escaped and now, at 22, was training young communists to assassinate Germans from Hitler\u2019s occupying army. Georges, better known as Colonel Fabien, jumped into a first-class carriage, shot a naval warrant officer called Alfons Moser and ran off before the train left. A few weeks later, an Italian veteran, Spartaco Guisco, helped kill Lt Col Karl Hotz, the military governor of Nantes. Hitler responded with mass executions \u2013 including of several brigaders, who had been locked up as a preventive measure.<\/p>\nCharles de Gaulle, leader of the Free French Forces, was appalled. Fabien\u2019s group had ignored his commands. \u201cI order those in the occupied territory not to kill Germans,\u201d he said, fearing the mass retaliations that soon came. But resistance had shifted to a new level, and De Gaulle had to change his mind. Fabien died in an accident later in the war, and now has a Paris metro station named after him. He was one of hundreds of brigade veterans, including women, to join the French Resistance. More than 100 were killed, but on 19 August 1944, it was another brigader, Henri Rol-Tanguy, who ordered the French force of the interior (FFI), to rise against German troops in Paris. A week later Gen Dietrich von Choltitz formally surrendered the city to Rol-Tanguy and Gen Philippe Leclerc.<\/p>\n
When the second world war broke out, it had been natural for brigaders to enlist. They had fought fascism for three years, but the task had not been completed. In Britain and the US, they were initially viewed with mistrust, not least because of the Nazi Soviet non-aggression pact (the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact) of 1939, by which Hitler and Stalin partitioned Poland. The former commander of the British battalion of the International Brigade, Tom Wintringham, approached the government with plans for a home guard. He was turned away, and instead founded a private academy of \u201cungentlemanly warfare\u201d at the Osterley Park stately home, where brigade veterans and others taught people to make petrol bombs, ambush tanks and conduct guerilla warfare (the surrealist painter Roland Penrose taught camouflage).<\/p>\n
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Soon, however, it became clear that brigaders had extremely useful experience in warfare and formed a unique network throughout occupied Europe. Knox had emigrated to the US and was recruited by Gen \u201cWild\u201d Bill Donovan\u2019s Office of Strategic Services (OSS) \u2013 the forerunner to the CIA, which ran guerrilla operations. Sent to liaise with Italian partisans, he bonded with the commander after realising that he was a former brigader and that they had fought together in Madrid. \u201cFrom then on, relations with the partisans were no problem,\u201d Knox said. In fact, several Italian partisan armies were led by brigaders, as were all four of Tito\u2019s communist armies in Yugoslavia. The former brigader Aldo Lampredi was one of three partisans who executed Mussolini and his lover Claretta Petacci in 1945. Lampredi\u2019s Beretta pistol delivered the final shots. A fellow brigader, Randolfo Pacciardi, became Italy\u2019s postwar minister of defence. Even German brigaders fought against Hitler, with writers Erich Weinert and Willi Bredel shouting propaganda at snowbound Nazi troops from the ruins of Stalingrad. Since their aim was the defeat of fascism, the brigaders could finally savour victory in 1945.<\/p>\n
O<\/span><\/span>n 13 November 1989, Erich Mielke stood before the East German parliament to answer questions in his role as head of the Ministerium f\u00fcr Staatssicherheit<\/em>, the state security ministry, commonly known as the Stasi. Mielke was 82 years old, a veteran of the International Brigades, and had run the notorious secret police for three decades. He was known as the \u201cmaster of fear\u201d, after turning East Germany into what the writer Anna Funder, in her book Stasiland, called \u201cthe most perfected surveillance state of all time\u201d. The Berlin Wall had come down four days earlier, and the assembly no longer considered its task to be rubber-stamping everything. Mielke had not realised. Facing unusually tough questioning, he raised his arms and declared: \u201cI love all humanity! I really do!\u201d The assembly dissolved into laughter. Five days later he resigned. In 1993, he was jailed for the 1931 murders of two Weimar Republic policemen.<\/p>\n\nThe American Lincoln battalion of the International Brigades in Spain circa 1937. Photograph: Universal History Archive\/UIG via Getty Images<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n\n
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Brigaders played a remarkable role in East Germany after 1945, since they were among the few people the Soviets trusted. Heinrich Rau headed the German economic commission, its first de facto government. At one stage all three armed ministries \u2013 defence, interior and state security \u2013 were run by brigaders. Such figures also provided a narrative of heroic German opposition to Hitler, which East Germany also tried to claim for itself. Much the same happened wherever Soviets or communist partisans took control after the second world war. Ferenc M\u00fcnnich became prime minister of Hungary and machine gunner Mehmet Shehu was his counterpart in Albania for 27 years. Karlo Lukanov became Bulgaria\u2019s deputy prime minister. In fact, the list of ministers, politburo members, generals, police chiefs and ambassadors who had been brigaders runs well into three figures. Many had been senior communists before the Spanish civil war, where exiled parties went en masse, seeking meaning for their existence. \u201cWe needed Spain more than the republic needed us,\u201d quipped one Italian exile.<\/p>\n
Their specialities, as soldiers, were defence and security. In the paranoid world of Stalinism, that also meant repression. Orwell had already spotted this in Spain, after the Marxist militia unit he fought for was banned and Barcelona\u2019s walls were suddenly covered with \u201cposters screaming from the hoardings that I and everyone like me was a fascist spy\u201d. That experience inspired Animal Farm and Nineteen Eighty-Four. Yet most communist brigaders knew nothing about the horrors of Stalinism, and saw themselves as soldiers in a broad anti-fascist coalition. \u201cStalin was still a saint,\u201d one explained later. Most eventually disabused themselves of that. Some, like Mielke, never did.<\/p>\n\nAn International Brigades banner at an International Workers Memorial Day rally in Manchester in 2018. Photograph: SOPA Images\/LightRocket\/Getty<\/figcaption><\/figure>\nIn fact, a good number were purged, precisely because they had fought in Spain and been in contact with the outside world. They featured in show trials from Prague to Budapest. \u201cI was a treacherous enemy within the Communist party. I am justly an object of contempt and deserve the maximum and the hardest punishment,\u201d Czech veteran Otto \u0160ling intoned before he was hanged after the notorious Sl\u00e1nsk\u00fd trial. Hungary\u2019s foreign minister L\u00e1szl\u00f3 Rajk was executed in 1949 after a trial in which 16 of 97 defendants were Spanish veterans. A suspicious number of those purged were Jews. In Poland, many lost jobs \u2013 and went into exile \u2013 after a wave of socialist antisemitism followed Israel\u2019s victory in the six-day war in 1967.<\/p>\n
This persecution was mirrored, in a lesser way, in the US. The screenwriter and former brigader Alvah Bessie was one of the Hollywood Ten jailed in 1950 for refusing to testify to the House Un-American Activities Committee (HUAC). Communist witch-hunting was partially balanced out by Ernest Hemingway, a brigades devotee who made the fictional American brigader Robert Jordan the hero of For Whom the Bell Tolls. Mostly, however, the cold war narrative won, not least because the brigades also produced several prominent Soviet spies. The most famous was Morris Cohen, who helped steal nuclear weapon blueprints from Los Alamos laboratory in New Mexico.<\/p>\n
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W<\/span><\/span>hen the cold war ended, history lurched into a new phase. Soviet communism was no longer a danger. Fascism was a distant memory. Leftwing domestic terrorism in western democracies \u2013 from the Red Army Faction in Germany or Italian anarchists in Italy \u2013 began to diminish, while rightwing terror grew.<\/p>\nOn 18 July 2011, members of Norway\u2019s Labour party\u2019s Workers\u2019 Youth League attending a summer camp on the island of Ut\u00f8ya unveiled a plaque to four young social democrats who had died in the International Brigades. The plaque bore poetry by Nordahl Grieg, a celebrated writer who had visited the brigades on the frontline. Four days after the unveiling, far-right gunman Anders Breivik reached the island, armed and posing as a policeman. He murdered 69 of those young people in the country\u2019s worst massacre since the second world war, picking off teenagers as they tried to swim away. It was a tragic reminder that, even in the most advanced democracies, ideologies based on violence and tyranny refuse to go away.<\/p>\n
For the families of brigade veterans, the fact that they fought one sort of tyranny, while some of them ended up serving another, complicates their memory. In Hungary, the niece of the writer, brigades commander Paul Luk\u00e1cs (AKA B\u00e9la Frankl and M\u00e1t\u00e9 Zalka), wanted to defend her adored uncle. When she and her daughter contacted me, they highlighted that, before being killed in action in Spain, Luk\u00e1cs suffered nightmares. The family destroyed his diary, which contained dangerously anti-Stalinist jottings.<\/p>\n\nAn officer of the International Brigades lays twigs on the mass grave of soldiers who died fighting in the civil war, circa 1937. Photograph: Hulton Archive\/Getty Images<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n\n
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Like several international brigades officers who were not of Russian origin, but had joined the Red Army and settled in Moscow, he might have returned only to be purged and shot. In Hungary, which experienced both fascist and communist rule, that conveniently puts him on the \u201cright side of history\u201d twice over.<\/p>\n
Poland\u2019s Institute of National Remembrance told me that it viewed brigaders as \u201cinstruments of Soviet Union\u2019s imperialist politics\u201d and that some \u201ctook part in forced and brutal introduction of communism in Poland\u201d. For communists outside the Soviet bloc, the contradiction is less intense. In his video testament, Virgilio Fern\u00e1ndez del Real (by then only one of three Brigaders still known to be alive) had proudly announced that \u201cI have been a communist since I was 14\u201d, before adding that \u201cwe are not ruffians\u201d. For those brigaders who were not communists, or simply saw themselves as anti-fascists, it seemed even simpler. They had done their duty, even if others looked down on them for associating with communists. After an illustrious behind-the-lines career during the second world war, for which he won France\u2019s Croix de Guerre medal, Bernard Knox applied to study for a classics doctorate at Yale (he later directed the Center of Hellenic Studies at Harvard). At the interview, he was told by a professor that his time in Spain made him a \u201cpremature anti-fascist\u201d. Knox was dumbfounded.<\/p>\n
\u201cHow, I wondered, could anyone be a premature anti-fascist?\u201d he recalled asking himself. \u201cCould there be anything such as a premature antidote to a poison? A premature antiseptic? A premature antitoxin? A premature anti-racist? If you were not premature, what sort of anti-fascist were you supposed to be?\u201d<\/p>\n
The International Brigades: Fascism, Freedom and the Spanish Civil War by Giles Tremlett is published by Bloomsbury and available at guardianbookshop.com<\/a><\/em><\/p>\nThe Guardian<\/a><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"by Giles Tremlett, The Long Read, London, 22 Oct 2020 Virgilio Fern\u00e1ndez del Real sent his last testament via WhatsApp on 28 November 2019. I opened the video to see him propped up in bed at his colonial-era ha\u00e7ienda in Guanajuato, Mexico. Bloodshot eyes peered out above a rampant white beard. A big red, gold […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1001004,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[53],"tags":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/worldcampaign.net\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/10991"}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/worldcampaign.net\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/worldcampaign.net\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/worldcampaign.net\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/1001004"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/worldcampaign.net\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=10991"}],"version-history":[{"count":4,"href":"https:\/\/worldcampaign.net\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/10991\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":11028,"href":"https:\/\/worldcampaign.net\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/10991\/revisions\/11028"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/worldcampaign.net\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=10991"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/worldcampaign.net\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=10991"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/worldcampaign.net\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=10991"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}