By Anand Giridharadas, Opinion, Sunday Review, Aug. 26, 2018<\/p>\n
\u201cChange the world\u201d has long been the cry of the oppressed. But in recent years world-changing has been co-opted by the rich and the powerful.<\/p>\n
\u201cChange the world. Improve lives. Invent something new,\u201d McKinsey & Company\u2019s<\/a>recruiting<\/a> materials<\/a> say. \u201cSit back, relax, and change the world,\u201d tweets the World Economic Forum<\/a>, host of the Davos conference. \u201cLet\u2019s raise the capital that builds the things that change the world,\u201d a Morgan Stanley ad<\/a> says. Walmart, recruiting a software engineer<\/a>, seeks an \u201ceagerness to change the world.\u201d Mark Zuckerberg of Facebook says<\/a>, \u201cThe best thing to do now, if you want to change the world, is to start a company.\u201d<\/p>\n At first, you think: Rich people making a difference \u2014 so generous! Until you consider that America might not be in the fix it\u2019s in had we not fallen for the kind of change these winners have been selling: fake change.<\/p>\n Fake change isn\u2019t evil; it\u2019s milquetoast. It is change the powerful can tolerate. It\u2019s the shoes<\/a> or socks<\/a> or tote bag<\/a> you bought which promised to change the world. It\u2019s that one awesome charter school \u2014 not equally funded public schools for all. It is Lean In Circles<\/a> to empower women \u2014 not universal<\/a> preschool. It is impact investing \u2014 not the closing of the carried-interest loophole<\/a>.<\/p>\n Of course, world-changing initiatives funded by the winners of market capitalism do heal the sick, enrich the poor and save lives. But even as they give back, American elites generally seek to maintain the system that causes many of the problems they try to fix \u2014 and their helpfulness is part of how they pull it off. Thus their do-gooding is an accomplice to greater, if more invisible, harm.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n What their \u201cchange\u201d leaves undisturbed is our winners-take-all economy, which siphons the gains from progress upward. The average <\/a>pretax<\/a>income of America\u2019s top 1 percent has more than tripled<\/a> since 1980, and that of the top 0.001 percent has risen more than sevenfold, even as the average income of the bottom half of Americans stagnated around $16,000, adjusted for inflation, according to a paper by the economists Thomas Piketty, Emmanuel Saez and Gabriel Zucman.<\/p>\n American elites are monopolizing progress, and monopolies can be broken. Aggressive policies to protect workers, redistribute income, and make education and health affordable would bring real change. But such measures could also prove expensive for the winners. Which gives them a strong interest in convincing the public that they can help out within<\/em> the system that so benefits the winners.<\/p>\n After all, if the Harvard Business School professor Michael E. Porter and his co-author Mark R. Kramer are right that \u201cbusinesses acting as business, not as charitable donors, are the most powerful force for addressing the pressing issues we face<\/a>,\u201d we shouldn\u2019t rein in business, should we?<\/p>\n This is how the winners benefit from their own kindness: It lets them redefine change, and defang it.<\/p>\n Consider David Rubenstein<\/a>, a co-founder of the Carlyle Group, a private equity firm. He\u2019s a billionaire who practices what he calls \u201cpatriotic philanthropy<\/a>.\u201d For example, when a 2011 earthquake damaged the Washington Monument and Congress funded only half of the $15 million repair, Mr. Rubenstein paid the rest. \u201cThe government doesn\u2019t have the resources it used to have,\u201d he explained<\/a>, adding that \u201cprivate citizens now need to pitch in.\u201d<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n That pitching-in seems generous \u2014 until you learn that he is one of the reasons the government is strapped. He and his colleagues have long used their influence to protect the carried-interest loophole<\/a>, which is enormously beneficial to people in the private equity field. Closing the loophole could give the government $180 billion over 10 years<\/a>, enough to fix that monument thousands of times over.<\/p>\n Mr. Rubenstein\u2019s image could be of a man fleecing America. Do-gooding gives him a useful makeover as a patriot who interviews former presidents onstage<\/a> and lectures on the 13th Amendment<\/a>.<\/p>\n Walmart has long been accused of underpaying workers. Americans for Tax Fairness, an advocacy group, famously accused the company of costing taxpayers billions of dollars a year<\/a> because it \u201cpays its employees so little that many of them rely on food stamps, health care and other taxpayer-funded programs.\u201d Walmart denies this criticism, citing the jobs it creates and the taxes it pays<\/a>.<\/p>\n When a column critical of Walmart ran in this newspaper some years ago, David Tovar, a Walmart spokesman, published a red-penned edit<\/a> of the piece on a company blog. Beside a paragraph about how cutthroat business practices had earned the heirs of the Walton family at least $150 billion in wealth, Mr. Tovar wrote: \u201cPossible addition: Largest corporate foundation in America. Gives more than $1 billion in cash and in kind donations each year.\u201d<\/p>\n Mr. Tovar wasn\u2019t denying the $150 billion in wealth, or that more of it could have been paid as wages. Rather, he seemed to suggest that charity made up for these facts.<\/p>\n A few years ago, some entrepreneurs in Oakland, Calif., founded a company called Even<\/a>. Its initial plan was to help stabilize the highly volatile incomes of working-class Americans \u2014 with an app. For a few dollars a week, it would squirrel away your money when you were flush and give you a boost when you were short. \u201cIf you want to feel like you have a safety net for the first time in your life, Even is the answer,\u201d the company proclaimed.<\/p>\n The rub against such an idea isn\u2019t just that it\u2019s a drop in the bucket. It\u2019s also that it dilutes our idea of change. It casts an app and a safety net as the same.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n Fake change, and what it allows to fester, paved the road for President Trump. He tapped into a feeling that the American system was rigged and that establishment elites were in it for themselves. Then, darkly, he deflected that anger onto the most vulnerable Americans. And having benefited from the hollowness of fake change, he became it \u2014 a rich man who styles himself as the ablest protector of the underdogs, who pretends that his interests have nothing to do with the changes he seeks.<\/p>\n President Trump is what we get when we trust the rich to fix what they are complicit in breaking.<\/p>\n In 2016, Mr. Trump and many of the world-changing elite leaders I am writing about were, for the most part, on opposite sides. Yet those elites and the president have one thing in common: a belief that the world should be changed by them, for the rest of us, not by us. They doubt the American creed of self-government.<\/p>\n A successful society is a progress machine, turning innovations and fortuitous developments into shared advancement. America\u2019s machine is broken. Innovations fly at us, but progress eludes us. A thousand world-changing initiatives won\u2019t change that. Instead, we must reform the basic systems that allow people to live decently \u2014 the systems that decide what kind of school children attend, whether politicians listen to donors or citizens, whether or not people can tend to their ailments, whether they are paid enough, and with sufficient reliability, to make plans and raise kids.<\/p>\n There are a significant number of winners who recognize their role in propping up a bad system. They might be convinced that solving problems for all, at the root, will mean higher taxes, smaller profits and fewer homes. Changing the world asks more than giving back. It also takes giving something up.<\/p>\n